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The Evolution of
Union-Management Relations:
A Comparative Perspective
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(Based on: Roy, J. Adams,
Industrial Relations under Liberal Democracy, 1995: Chapter 8)
Yonatan Reshef
School of Business
University of Alberta
Edmonton, Alberta
T6G 2R6 CANADA
The broad characteristics of the industrial relations and HRM systems in
place today in Europe and North America may be traced back to labor's, management, and
governments' choices of ideology and the associated strategies which took shape between
about 1880 and 1930.
In Sweden and Germany, the mainstream of the labor movements adopted a
philosophy which called for the establishment of a new socio-economic system. Employers
and governments both extended recognition to union federations as legitimate agencies to
speak for the interests of working people as a whole. On granting that general
recognition, employers insisted that their rights to manage (and thus their legitimacy to
direct modern industry) be honored in return. Specifically, they agreed to bargain over
wages, hours, and other basic conditions of work but insisted on the maintenance of
control within the enterprise. Consequently, the determination of HRM policies and
practices remained a management right.
In these two countries, labor federations and employer associations signed
comprehensive agreements (The Saltjobaden Agreement of 1938 in Sweden, and the 1919
Stinnes-Legien agreement in Germany) which set the IR/HRM parameters within management and
unions operated. Over the years, the Swedish and German labor federations were able to
penetrate the political system and secure legislation that would enhance progressive HRM
practices. In both countries, however, local unions are relatively weak.
In France, the IR/HRM system developed slowly. Unions are weak at both the
federation and local levels. At the federation level, internal divisions as well as
radical ideologies have made unions not highly efficient. At the local levels, unions had
to wait until 1969, to gain a foothold at the plant level, and until 1982 to enhance their
position. HRM is decided by management with unions having very little effect over these
decisions.
In Japan, the IR/HRM system developed late. Unlike the Scandinavian and American
strategies, the strategy of Japanese management was to agree to the union demand for
lifetime employment, egalitarian conditions of work, and a commitment to operate the
enterprise in the best interests not only of the shareholders but also of the employees,
in return for agreement by the employees to put their full physical and intellectual
capacities behind the efforts of the enterprise to compete.
Employees are prepared to work hard and help their co-workers without fearing that
their higher productivity might result in redundancies. For the same reason, lifetime
employees accept technological changes which might jeopardize particular jobs without
affecting overall employment security. Trust in management is also evident in the
employees' increasing willingness over time to support management's unilateral promotion
and performance appraisal decisions. Lifetime employment thus provides the large Japanese
corporations with a cooperative and compliant work force which can be easily directed and
redirected in the pursuit of high performance. The policy of retiring lifetime employees
to senior posts with subcontractors also enables larger companies to influence smaller
ones in its keiretsu or group. This transfer of personnel provides an ideal conduit for
transmitting corporate values and thereby ensuring cooperative and coordinated
relationships among interrelated firms. The high degree of control provided by lifetime
employment thus allows management to make decisions expeditiously and unilaterally,
without worrying about the possibilities of countervailing obstructionist behavior so
typical in the immediate post-war period. Interestingly, rather than surrendering power,
Japanese employers have used life-time employment to enhance their control over the labor
force.
In the USA, business unionism competed with and defeated both radical and reform
socialism to achieve dominance in the mainstream of the American labor movement. Although
aroused some concern, American employers were not sufficiently alarmed to overcome their
natural propensity to individualism and competitiveness -- a propensity common to
employers everywhere. As a result, contrary to developments in continental Europe, they
generally did not form associations nor a national federation; they did not reach a
national recognition agreement with the labor movement in the first decades of the 20th
century. Instead of welcoming labor leaders who affirmed the principles of capitalism,
individual companies, by and large, did all they could to keep unions out.
Britain and Canada form a kind of bridge between continental Europe and the US. In Britain,
from the 1930s until the advent of Thatcher in 1979, an unbroken succession of British
governments of both left and right recognized the legitimacy of trade unions to speak for
the interests of working people and pressured private sector employers to do the same. The
Social Contract of 1975-77 demonstrated the importance of unions in England.
However, there was no formal, national basic agreement in Britain, and as a result
there was more leeway for interpretation of the existing informal understanding. In this
environment, employer opposition to unions and collective bargaining has been more in
evidence than it has been in many continental European countries. Consequently, contrary
to the common situation on many continental European countries, British unions have
traditionally sought to establish mandatory union membership, and until recently British
law has tolerated it. HRM decisions are management prerogative. In the 1980s, Britain took
an unexpected turn when the highly ideological Thatcher regime rejected the policy of
labor-management conciliation and actively sought to weaken and exclude the unions.
Developments in Canada followed a direction influenced by both the US and
Britain. The Canadian labor movement was dominated by pure and simple philosophy during
the first part of the 20th century, but moved somewhat to the left when large numbers of
unskilled and semiskilled workers in the mass-production industries organized from 1930s
onward. By the 1960s, the mainstream had embraced reform socialism (working together with
the NDP to advance labor interests). The CLC has sought to improve labor conditions
through political action. Canadian governments have found it necessary to negotiate with
labor representatives. As a result, both federal and provincial governments have generally
recognized the right of their own employees to engage in collective bargaining and have
insisted that private sector employers act in accordance with the letter of the Wagner-Act
model lasts that all Canadian provinces adopted.
Recently, the situation in Canada has changed. First, whereas governments still
negotiate with unions, in Alberta, Ontario, Manitoba, Nova Scotia, and PEI, public-sector
employees cannot strike. Moreover, where they can strike, the government can designate as
many employees as it wishes "essential employees." These employees are not
allowed to strike. Moreover, recent developments in Alberta, Ontario, and the Federal
Government have demonstrated that unions are left out of policy making (budget cuts,
downsizing). When it comes to HRM decisions, management calls the shots, and employee
direct/indirect involvement in these decisions depend on management good will. During the
conception period (implementing TQM or any other quality initiative), unions and employees
have no recourse other than collective agreement, grievance procedure, and strikes (in
union companies); or "exit" in nonunion companies. In other words, if management
so chooses, unions/employees cannot easily influence policy making. They can only protest
the final "product." This is a result of a conservative legal framework and the
conservative, "business unionism" philosophy adopted by Canadian unions since
their inception.
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