This essay reflects the recent trend among historians to assign an active role to both the Indians of
the North-West Territories and the government during the Numbered Treaty process. The aboriginal peoples and the Canadian government entered the Treaty negotiations hoping to achieve
dichotomous ends. Concerned over white settlement and diminishing buffalo herds, the Indians
sought to use the concessions granted them under the Treaties to ensure their cultural survival. The
government, on the other hand considered the Numbered Treaties a means of achieving the goal of
their Indian policy namely brining about the assimilation of the Indian into Euro-Canadian society.

This essay draws on biographical material and radio transcripts to tell the story of Ezra Pound's
collaboration with Italy during the Second Would War. It pulls together the numerous and
inaccessible broadcasts to provide an overview of the central themes—and important omissions—of  the American poet's foray into broadcasting. Pound's collaboration, it is argued, was more an expression of his own personality than an act of Italian psychological warfare. The essay highlights a  curious chapter in the history of propaganda, contributes to the study of anti- Semitism , and provides for literary scholars an insight into the later thought of one of the most important figures in modern literature.
 

The first decades of the nineteenth century saw dramatic population growth and urbanization in
England. Nowhere was this more so than in the diocese of Chester. In response to this changing
demographic pattern, the Church of England made substantial administrative changes and was
energetic in securing financial aid. Nevertheless, massive population growth, the traditional poverty
and uneven revenue of Chester clergy, and an ineffective parochial system prevented the Church of
England from adequately providing for the spiritual care of its parishioners.
 

Today, the term Victorian implies snobbishness and rigidity. Our world, the result in part of a
rebellion against Victorian formality and social hierarchy, celebrates the classless, the democratic and  the popular. It professes faith in the artistic judgment of all members of society regardless of ethnic origin, level of education or wealth. From the Victorian point of view, however, twentieth-century mass culture is accessible to all by appealing to the lowest common denominator; it is inclusive at the cost of a loss of education, refinement, and profundity. Turn- of-the-century America is the ideal subject for a study of the interaction between Victorian high culture and modern mass culture; the period from 1870 to 1915 was one of drastic cultural metamorphosis. Social change threatened the foundations of high culture and eventually killed it, but not without the unintentional help of the Victorians' own self-alienating behaviour.
 

By 1850 the United States government already had a half century's experience providing health
services to its Indian population. During the first half of the nineteenth century, however, these
services were focused primarily on containing epidemic diseases, especially smallpox. By mid-
century, the rise of intemperance and venereal diseases among Indians convinced the government
that more control over Indians' health was necessary. Professionally trained physicians, bolstered by
advances in medical knowledge, led this interventionist effort at improving Indian health care.
Government health care providers increasingly came to believe that success depended on
undermining traditional lifestyles and leadership.
 

Alsace-Lorraine, a region annexed from France by Germany in 1871 and recovered by France in
1918, was reannexed by Germany once more following the fall of France in 1940. In 1944 French
liberation forces embarked on an intense campaign to regain what it considered "sacred ground," and the French media projected an image of an Alsatian population enthusiastically endorsing this effort
to be reunited with the rest of the country. A careful reading of documentary evidence, however,
suggests that the process of liberation and the reintegration of the region into France did not proceed smoothly. The demands the liberation forces placed on the civilian population to join the military
campaign against the Nazis, combined with the delicate issue of collaboration, the mutual distrust, the strenuous efforts to "re-Francocize" the region following four years of Nazification (a process which
had included indoctrination, service in the Wehrmacht, the installation of extermination camps in the
territory, and collaboration), generated an ambiguous relationship between Charles de Gaulle's
government and Alsatians. Official French policy in the region, which deviated from that practiced in
the rest of France, reflected the circumstances peculiar to Alsace-Lorraine.