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Note: Upon completion of the Unit 9, students should also read the short Conclusion in Krahn and Lowe, Work, Industry and Canadian Society (pages 371-376).
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After reading the introductory section to Chapter 9 in the textbook, focus on the difference between work values and work orientations. In a sense, both concepts relate to the meaning of work. The former refers to the meaning a particular society attaches to work; the latter to the preferences an individual has for particular kinds of work and how this fits in to her or his overall value system. While this sounds straight forward, as you read on you will see that considerable theorizing and debate has been prompted by attempts to account for the nature and role of these societal and individual work attitudes.
The historical discussion, on pages 314 and 315, should sensitize you to how particular socio-historical contexts gave rise to quite different sets of work values, which tended to provide justifications for existing social systems. This dynamic nature of work values is, of course, what lies behind current debates about the declining work ethic, a you will soon see. But in studying changes in work values, it is important to consider how they were not simply the product of specific social and economic conditions, but also played a role in creating these conditions. This latter point comes out strongly in Weber's Protestant work ethic thesis. While Weber stopped well short of arguing that Calvinist religious beliefs "caused" the development of capitalism, he did see them as exerting a major influence on economic behaviour. In this sense, Weber offers a counter-balance to the more "structural" explanations of the rise of capitalism discussed in Unit 1.
Just as there are dominant and counter "cultures" in a workplace, there are divergent sets of values about the meaning of work within the larger society. The humanistic tradition, expressed in the Catholic Bishop's statement on page 312, can be traced back to Renaissance thinkers and later to the work of Marx. Fragments of this humanistic view can be found in some management schemes, such as QWL, that are off-shoots of the human relations school discussed in Unit 6. But also bear in mind that unions and other critics of QWL also draw on humanistic values in advocating a more equitable distribution of job rewards and authority.
Taking a more individual focus, we turn to consider the kinds of expectations and motivations people have about work. This discussion, on pages 317 to 322 of the textbook and in Rinehart's Work in Canada article, is framed in terms of instrumental work orientations. Read the description of Lockwood's research on working class images of society, and the Affluent Worker Study that this research inspired, as an extension of Unit 8's discussion of working class consciousness. The images of society Lockwood was attempting to discern are, in his view, rooted in different work experiences and in turn affect political attitudes (class consciousness).and behaviour. Similarly, the Affluent Worker Study argued for an integrated perspective which drew together job, community and social class.
By suggesting that workers make choices about the kinds of jobs they take, based on their prior orientations, the Affluent Worker Study stirred up considerable controversy. This is evident in the alternative views presented by Blackburn and Mann's research, on page 319 of the textbook, and in Rinehart's article. The crux of this debate is the relative influence of prior socialization versus job conditions and experiences on work attitudes. Do workers bring their orientations into the workplace, or are such views a product of job experiences? Also consider the critical point raised in studies by Chinoy, MacKinnon and others (pages 319 and 320): workers in routine jobs adapt to the limited opportunities and rewards, gradually accepting that the kind of job they would really prefer is out of reach. So while such workers may display an "instrumentalism" in their work orientations, this is not out of choice but rather reflects their adaptation to structural constraints.
As you consider the Canadian evidence about instrumental work orientations, on pages 320 and 321 of the textbook, try to think about how these research findings reflect your own attitudes. There are many reasons why instrumental orientations may not be widespread. As our earlier discussion of work humanization and job quality suggests, it is widely assumed (contrary to the assumptions of Taylorism, you will recall) that most workers want more than money from a job. But keep in mind that there are working conditions, as well as specific individual characteristics, which may encourage an instrumental outlook. So while not widespread, it nonetheless is important to examine through empirical research the distribution and sources of variation in instrumental and other forms of work orientations.
This is the message that flows from the discussion on pages 321 and 322 about gender and work orientations. First note the male bias in many studies of work orientations. This echoes criticisms raised by feminists in Unit 5 about much sociology of work research in previous decades. But simply expanding the scope of research in order to identify gender differences in particular work attitudes is not sufficient. Required is a convincing sociological interpretation of such patterns, the thrust of which is to suggest that structural rather than individual factors best explain apparent gender differences. Note how this is consistent with earlier discussions, in Unit 5, of women's adaptation to their subordinate positions in gender-segregated work organizations, and the above criticisms of the instrumentalism thesis. In short, gender per se explains little.
This moves us into Rinehart's article on the contradictions between workers' attitudes and job-related behaviour. Rinehart cogently develops the argument that individual workers (male and female, although his examples are come mainly from studies of male blue-collar workers conducted several decades ago) adapt to the limits imposed by their immediate working conditions. His starting point is the observation that evidence of job satisfaction, obtained through attitude surveys, seems to contradict actual behaviour as measured in terms of the formal and informal signs of conflicts which we examined in Unit 8. Give careful thought to his telling comment on page 364 of Work In Canada: "workers' attachments to jobs are in fact limited, pragmatic, and instrumental....such job orientations neither imply nor factually entail indifference to or acceptance of the nature of work." This is a good basis from which to assess the material in this section and draw your own conclusions about work orientations.
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Perhaps the most widespread misconception found in popular discourse about work is that Canadians' commitment to hard work is weakening. As you contemplate this debate, pay special attention to the need to carefully define what we mean by the work ethic. Also observe that claims about a declining work ethic are another form of "blaming the victim", mentioned in Unit 8. Attributing economic woes to a deteriorating work motivation among individuals totally ignores the major structural transformations occurring in the economy and labour market. In this emerging "post-industrial" socio-economic environment it is entirely reasonable to expect individuals to adjust their attitudes about many things, including work.
Consider the flux and uncertainly that form the basis for the personal statement on page 324 of the textbook. Reading on, you may disagree with Kelvin and Jarett's idea of a "wealth ethic", but consider their point that work is a means of self-sufficiency, and therefore security, in light of Canada's record high unemployment, massive organizational restructuring and resulting lay-offs, growing number of non-standard jobs, and declining family incomes (all documented in Units 3 and 4). How might the concept of a work ethic be revised to more accurately reflect the changing needs, expectations and values of Canadians in the 1990s?
Now contemplate another source of variation in the work ethic: national culture. Pages 325 and 326 of the textbook briefly views the work ethic debate from a comparative, cross-national perspective. Again, note the overly-simplistic basis of arguments claiming that the Japanese economic "miracle" is in large part due to a stronger work ethic among Japanese workers. A more revealing approach is to ask how Japanese work values differ from those in other countries and, further, how the Japanese work ethic may be changing, perhaps due to factors similar to those affecting Canadian work values. While the influence of national culture on work attitudes obviously cannot be dismissed, as the discussion in Unit 6 with regard to organizational culture suggested, it nonetheless is crucial to recognize the paramount role that the "structural" aspects of work play in giving shape to individual's work attitudes.
Now we move on to explore three other angles on work orientations. In reading the sections on the relationship between education and work attitudes, work-family orientations, and work as a central life interest, try to construct a complete mental image of the complex set of factors which continually exert influence on individuals' work values. Try to detect how individual worker characteristics -- such as having a university degree, or being part of a dual-earner family with children -- themselves are not full explanations for changing work attitudes. Rather, these characteristics reflect changes in the composition and character of the work force, which in turn are related to the rise of a service-based, "post-industrial" society. Give some thought to how the transformations underlying the rise of a white-collar, service-based and knowledge-intensive economy in the past several decades are directly linked to rising educational levels, changing family circumstances, and new leisure patterns. As you formulate an answer to this big question, the issues raised on pages 327 to 331 of the textbook should come alive.
Finally, the article by MacBride-King and Paris, in Work in Canada, pursues one of the above issues in more depth. Work-family conflict was first introduced in Unit 5 in discussions of the prevalence of dual-earner families in Canada and the unequal gender division of labour in the household. Duffy and Pupo's article, which you read in Unit 5, examined work-family conflict in terms of the trade-offs some women make in choosing part-time jobs. One thing not to miss about the MacBride-King and Paris article is that it is based on a report from the Conference Board of Canada, a major corporate think-tank. This suggests that employers are beginning to pay attention to what has been a chronic problem for many women (and also now for growing numbers of men). Reading through the article, try to summarize the main impact of work-family balancing problems for employees, then note how these translate into "costs" for the employer. Do you think the fact that work-family balancing problems can be calculated as direct and indirect employer costs is the main reason employers are now launching "family-supportive "policies?
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A good starting point for this Section is a quick review of Unit 3's presentation of unemployment trends. In Unit 3 we underscored the importance of carefully documenting unemployment rates and the distribution of unemployment among different social groups. The objective of this analysis was to identify the extent of unemployment and pinpoint which social groups were most at risk of being unemployed. This analysis was very "empirical", in the sense that it relied on official statistics such as unemployment rates. Lacking was a human element, so now we will rectify this by probing the lived experiences of the unemployed.
Note the contrasting styles of sociological research when you compare Unit 3 with this Section. What distinguishes the "qualitative" research reported here, compared with Unit 3's quantitative approach to unemployment, is it gets inside the minds of the unemployed and lets them provide their own account of what it is like to not have a paying job. In short, these two different approaches to studying unemployment should help to acquaint you with the diversity of research methods used in the sociology of work. As in the case of unemployment, a thorough investigation of many specific problems or issues require the combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods.
Turning your attention to the reading in the textbook, first consider the distinction between economic and psychological costs of unemployment. Regarding the former, think back to Unit 4's discussion of how labour markets create poverty by depriving some individuals of opportunities to earn an adequate living. Clearly, in a society where the vast majority of people depend on paid employment for their livelihoods, not having a job and not being able to find one for a prolonged period spells economic disaster. This is obvious enough; less obvious are the psychological effects of joblessness.
In order to interpret the psychological impact of unemployment, it is useful to apply Jahoda's distinction on page 331 of the latent and manifest functions of work. Her discussion is reminiscent of our treatment above of the centrality of work in the value systems of capitalist societies. We also have previously emphasized, in various places, the essential point that work is based on a web of social relationships among workers and between workers and managers. The discussion of work groups and work relations in Units 6 and 8 amplify this point. This importance of social relations also comes out in Jahoda's analysis, given the isolation the unemployed experience.
Furthermore, there are connections with Unit 8's discussion of collective action and the links between work and politics. Given that unemployed individuals usually feel marginalized, and tend to blame themselves for their situation, it stands to reason that their frustrations rarely are expressed collectively or in political terms. Collective consciousness and action, to use the concepts introduced in Unit 8, are difficult when individuals are feeling depressed and personally responsible for their lack of work. Again, note the recurrent themes of dominant individual values, lack of class consciousness, and tendency to "blame the victim" for work-related problems. Unemployment is yet another case of individuals internalizing what is a larger problem created by social and economic structures, thereby undermining any possibility of the sort of collective action mentioned in Unit 8.
The personal quotes from unemployed individuals on pages 332 and 333 of the textbook should be read with care, for they take you inside the experiences of unemployed individuals. Sociologists use such data, obtained from face-to-face interviews, to develop general theoretical insights about the psychological consequences of joblessness. Burman takes this approach in his article in Work in Canada. Indeed, what makes Burman's research sociologically interesting is his attempt to interpret these personal testimonies in a theoretical framework. That is, he accounts for the experiences of his study respondents in terms of how unemployment affects their personal identity. He suggests that in capitalist societies personal identities are closely tied to having a job, and the particular kind of job you have. Furthermore, Burman's analysis distinguishes three phases unemployed individuals seem to pass through in their attempt to cope with not having a job. With unemployment hovering at over 10% for several years now, try to imagine how many other Canadians share the experiences of Burman's respondents.
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As a suggestion, try approaching the topic of job satisfaction by first reading the quotes on page 338 and the accompanying Introduction on the next page of the textbook. Then read Maynard's Work in Canada article. This will get you thinking about what workers view as satisfying and dissatisfying in a job. As well, it will help to show how job conditions and, to a lesser extent, worker's personal characteristics such as age, education, race or ethnicity, and gender influence the level of satisfaction or dissatisfaction. Observe the same qualitative research approach as used by Burman in the above Section on unemployment. But also recognize that Maynard's article draws on personal statements provided by respondents to a large national survey which also gathered quantitative evidence on job satisfaction.
Many of the issues previously discussed in connection with work attitudes, as well as workplace and labour market restructuring, are raised by Maynard's respondents. On page 356 she notes that many workers surveyed expect to switch jobs or careers and to acquire further training. This clearly reflects individual's responses to the rapid structural adjustments occurring in the labour market, documented in Unit 3. Also note the comments on balancing work and family, echoing our discussion of this issue. Another prominent theme is the difficulty women frequently face achieving satisfying work, which relates to the analysis of occupational gender segregation in Unit 5. There are also some revealing comments about the influence of unions on job satisfaction, which address the role of unions in improving working conditions first raised in Unit 7.
Also pay particular attention to Maynard's statement on pages 356 and 357, that what workers derive the greatest satisfaction from is being treated fully like human beings and given opportunities to develop and grow. Think back to Unit 6's overview of human relations management and its off-shoots. Maynard's evidence questions its effectiveness. Also recall from Unit 6 the arguments in favour of creating more participatory organizations with fulfilling jobs. Again, Maynard clearly documents the need for such changes. In fact, the Auditor General's conclusion (in the article from Unit 6) that people-oriented organizations have the best performance is strongly reinforced by Maynard. She also concludes that in the drive for leaner, more competitive organizations employers must not overlook what really makes workers happy in their job.
Now turn to the textbook's discussion of the factors contributing to job satisfaction and dissatisfaction, beginning on page 340. Note the competing motives for achieving satisfying work, which mirror the discussion above about different work values. For managers, as Maynard reminds us, job satisfaction is equated with employee commitment and productivity. However, from a humanistic perspective satisfying, meaningful work is a basic human need -- some would say a right. Much of the subsequent discussion reviews different measures of job satisfaction, reporting the typical responses given by employees in surveys. Remember Rinehart's skepticism, from his article in Section 1 above, that high levels of job satisfaction based on responses to general questions do not reveal how workers really feel about their job. Two points stand out in this respect. First, the more detailed and probing the measures (that is, survey questions), the more likely workers are to voice dissatisfaction. Second, there is a basic distinction to be made between satisfaction, on one hand, and actually liking or being happy with your job, on the other.
There is a huge literature on job satisfaction. But as noted on page 341, most studies fall into one of two camps, either emphasizing the influence of job content and working conditions, or personal characteristics. Maynard's article, as well as Rinehart's Section 1 article, has sensitized us to the role these factors play. Pages 342 to 345 of the textbook summarize research findings about the impact of personal characteristics. Age, gender, race and ethnicity, and education are personal characteristics which have an impact on workers' experience of job satisfaction. But observe that the relationship between each of these factors (or several in combination) and job satisfaction is far from straight forward. Actually, these connections are often indirect, complex, and invariably must take into account work orientations and job conditions. In short, treated in isolation from the larger context of a person's job expectations, their actual working conditions, and their opportunities for achieving better employment, these personal characteristics don't tell us very much. For example, while overall survey results (page 342 of the textbook) show similar levels of job satisfaction among men and women, Maynard's more detailed analysis (pages 355 and 359) reveals that professional women express considerable dissatisfaction with their promotion prospects.
The discussion on pages 345 and 346 of the textbook provides a theoretical perspective on job satisfaction. This acknowledges the complex set of influences on job satisfaction, paying special attention to specific intrinsic and extrinsic work rewards as well as worker's orientations and preferences. Looking at Kalleberg's argument (page 346), it is easy to see the importance of the earlier discussion of work orientations. The subsequent section goes on to document recent assessments provided by Canadian workers of their intrinsic work rewards, based on the 1989 General Social Survey (already made use of in Unit 3). Some startling findings emerge, especially regarding the decline over time in perceived advancement opportunities. But perhaps you are not surprised by this, given the analysis of "plateauing" problems faced by baby boomers in Unit 3's reading by Foot and Veene (and Maynard's article, as well).
The 1989 General Social Survey findings on decision-making autonomy, skill use, and task variety raise serious questions about the extent to which Canada's human resources are being utilized. Overqualification, or being underemployed, is emerging as a more serious problem, some would argue, than unemployment. This is especially true given the effect of education on job expectations, and the generally rising levels of education in the nation as a whole. To sum up, despite finding that close to nine out of ten workers are "satisfied" with their job, more probing and theoretically-informed analysis reveals often widespread dissatisfaction with those intrinsic characteristics which people value most in a job.
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As you read the section, look for the larger summary points about why and under what circumstances technology is likely to have negative or positive effects for jobs, and thus for workers' satisfaction. This question has stirred up sociological controversy for decades, as is highlighted by Blauner's research in the 1960s on the relationship between technology and alienation (or in general terms, worker satisfaction). Essentially Blauner argued that as assembly lines gave way to advanced forms of automation, workers would regain job control and hence derive greater satisfaction. Blauner's thesis (to which we shall return in the last Section) was accurate to some extent, for the more satisfying and less alienating technology he envisioned was the kind of continuous process automation found in industries such as petro-chemicals -- precisely the technology used in the Shell chemical plant described by Davis and Sullivan in Unit 6. But this work situation is far from widespread, as critics such as Rinehart have suggested. Notice how Blauner's argument mirrors Bell's post-industrial thesis, and presents an optimistic alternative to the much bleaker outlook found in Braverman and other labour process writers.
With these debates as a backdrop, now consider the research evidence presented on pages 351 to 354 of the textbook. Chapter 2 already dealt with the impact of technology on the number of jobs available, so now we shall focus on questions about job quality. The studies reported appear, at first glance, to have contradictory findings. But note the very different methodologies used and the different research questions being asked. Specifically, compare the 1989 General Social Survey (GSS) findings that computer technologies increased overall skill requirements and tended to make work more interesting, with the case studies which document far more negative impacts. Why the difference? For one thing, the impact of technology is far from uniform and even the GSS findings allow scope for deskilling and routinization. More important, what the GSS provides is a picture of trends within the entire Canadian labour force, while the case studies of office computerization and automated production systems in auto plants are zero in on specific firms. So within the overall trend toward more skilled and interesting work due to technological advances, it stands to reason that some occupations and industries will be the exceptions.
The challenge for researchers, then, is to account for how, when and why technology has these negative effects. Reread the two case studies and try to draw your own conclusions in this regard. It will help to think over the concept of technological determinism, on pages 354 and 355. For example, any technology can reduce skills and job quality if management has incorporated it into an overall strategy for work intensification and rationalization. Go back and compare the motives behind organizational changes in the Unit 6 articles by Olive an Zeidenberg with the Shell management strategy outlined by Davis and Sullivan. This range of motives applies to instances of technological change, although the consultative approach taken by Shell management still is rather rare in Canada. Also recall the reasons for management decisions to change work processes set out in the article by Rinehart in Section 1, above, and by Robertson and Wareham's case study of Northern Telecom in Unit 8. In short, it is essential to view workers' experiences of new technologies in light of management's reasons for introducing the technology and any accompanying reorganization of the labour process.
Now turn to Reiter's study of working at Burger King, in Work in Canada. Reiter's article ties together a number of the issues we have so far discussed in this and previous Sections. Technology, work organization, managerial employment strategies, are considered along side of worker's job orientations and experiences. In fact, Reiter takes us back to our discussions of Fordism in her opening comments about "machine tending". A connection you will no doubt make is between Reiter's participant observation research and Burman's qualitative study of unemployment, above. Note Reiter's justification for her choice of research methods, on page 370. Moreover, her article provides many insights about the organization of fast-food work, management employment policies, and basically how Fordist and Taylorist principles have been adapted within this booming segment of the service sector.
There are also strong parallels with our earlier discussions of flexible employment (Zeidenberg's article in Unit 6), non-standard jobs (Krahn's article in Unit 3) and women and part-time work (Duffy and Puppo's article in Unit 5). In these respects, Reiter's study provides an opportunity to integrate these issues in a highly familiar setting -- a fast-food restaurant. Another dimension of her research is its examination of the characteristics of workers, and their motivations for taking such menial, low-paid, part-time jobs -- or perhaps more accurately, why few other options were open to them. Here it is useful to recall the earlier Section on work orientations. Reiter is documenting how workers' job expectations, and other personal characteristics, interact with their job conditions to shape work experiences. So in this sense, her study amplifies the earlier arguments we reviewed about the key determinants of job satisfaction.
Finally, return to the textbook for a brief section on the relationship between job satisfaction and productivity. Having reviewed many different studies, and a range of arguments about the determinants of job satisfaction, you are in a good position to contemplate whether or not satisfied workers are in fact more productive. Recall from Unit 6's discussion of the human relations school that it has long been assumed by managers that happy workers should be more productive. But as pages 355 to 356 make very clear, this is usually not the case, or at least only true under specific conditions. The ambiguous nature of the job satisfaction - productivity connection should not come as a surprise, however. After all, you now have seen how a long list of factors, ranging from workplace social relations and workers' personal characteristics and attitudes to technology and management style, affect what happens inside an organization.
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The first reading, on pages 356 to 359 of the textbook, immediately reminds us of earlier discussions of the humanistic view of the meaning of work. As well, it draws on Unit 2's review of Marx's perspective on the personal consequences of work under capitalism. Note the philosophical nature of Marx's view of alienation, based on assumptions about human nature which give primacy to work. But recall from Unit 2 that Marx's critique of capitalism was rooted in an analysis of objective economic conditions. Hence, central to his notion of alienation is powerlessness stemming from capitalist work relations and organization. Note that Marx expected that the experience of alienated labour would engender class consciousness, ultimately leading to worker revolution. But as Unit 8 has documented, and as Rinehart's article at the beginning of this Unit shows, discontent exists but is usually not expressed in direct political challenges that threaten the existence of capitalism.
Reading on, you once again encounter Blauner's thesis about the relationship between technology and alienation. Here Blauner is presented as representative of the social-psychological approach to alienation. Note the similarities between this approach to alienation and the previous literature on job satisfaction. However, alienation research places more direct emphasis on the concept of worker powerlessness. The flip side of this concept would be worker control exercised through decision-making, which is reminiscent of the sort of situation that some of the QWL work reforms earlier and in Unit 8 advocated. Recall Rinehart's critique of QWL for not giving workers true control, and you will see this connection.
Job control also provides a connection between alienation research and studies of job stress. To orient yourself to the reading on stress, think back to Unit 8's discussion of occupational health and safety. Then we focused more on the physical side of occupational health, but made the point that a broader conception of workplace health was needed to take into account the effects of the work environment on both physical and psychological well-being.
above in this Unit we also noted the stressful effects of balancing work and family, especially in light of the research presented by MacBride-King and Paris. In short, the growing concern about work-related stress reflects the emergence of a more integrative, holistic view of workplace health that looks at the worker as a total human being. So clearly job stress is a central dimension of workers' job experiences.
Pages 361 to 364 outline two contrasting perspectives on job stress. Try to make your own comparisons of these perspectives as you read this selection. The demand-control model essentially says that the kinds of working conditions what we previously documented as dissatisfying and alienating are also stressful, and therefore can have negative consequences for a worker's physical and mental health. While the discussion concentrates on high-stress jobs (the quotes on pages 361 and 362 are most revealing in this regard), perhaps what should also be emphasized is that interesting, autonomous, skilled and challenging work with reasonable demands is a recipe for a healthy workplace.
Looking at the person-environment fit model, note the shift in emphasis toward workers' needs and expectations. This is reminiscent of our earlier discussion of the influence of work orientations on job satisfaction. Earlier discussions in this and previous Units about overqualification (underemployment) and work-family conflict could usefully be reconsidered in light of the person-environment fit's arguments. For example, Duffy and Puppo's analysis of the "part-time paradox" could be interpreted as women coping with the stresses of multiple roles and expectations by reducing their paid work hours. The quote on page 363 underscores this point. But as our analysis of job satisfaction and work orientations, above, also suggested, some workers cope with unrewarding jobs by scaling down their expectations. But such personal adjustments are clearly not solutions to stressful work. For as the demand-control model argues, jobs must be redesigned to fit people's needs and expectations, rather than the other way around.
The final issue in this Section is the general relationship between work and the rest of a person's life. We just touched on this question with regard to women attempting to balance work and family demands. Now we consider other ways in which specific job conditions affect the overall quality of a worker's life. The idea of "the long arm of the job" is Meissner's enduring metaphor for this (page 365 of the textbook). Anyone who has had a particularly stressful job knows how difficult it is to leave this pressure behind at the end of the work day. Indeed, Meissner's research goes further, suggesting that this "spillover" also affects a workers' use of leisure time. Later research, especially by Kohn and his associates, elaborated this proposition. Kohn's idea of occupational self-direction parallels the demand-control model's view of "active jobs" (page 361 of the textbook), not to mention the ingredients of satisfying work itemized earlier in this Section. What is particularly original in Kohn's research, however, is the connection between self-directed work and personality. But recalling Burman's analysis of the effects of unemployment on the "self", it is consistent that having a "good" job would have a positive effect of personality and psychological functioning.
Argyle, Michael. The Social Psychology of Work. 2nd ed. London: Penguin, 1989.
Blauner, Robert. Alienation and Freedom: The Factory Worker and His Industry. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964.
Blackburn, R. M. "Ideologies of work." In David Rose, ed. Social Stratification and Economic Change. London: Hutchinson, 1988.
Canadian Mental Health Association. Work and Well-Being: The Changing Realities of Employment. Toronto: Canadian Mental Health Association, 1984.
Feather, Norman T. The Psychological Impact of Unemployment. New York: Springer-Verlag, 1990.
Furnham, Adrian. The Protestant Work Ethic: The Psychology of Work-Related Beliefs and Behaviours. London: Routledge, 1990.
Hall, Richard. Dimensions of Work. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1986.
Hamilton, Richard F. and James D. Wright. The State of the Masses. New York: Aldine, 1986.
Karasek, Robert and Tores Theorell. Healthy Work: Stress, Productivity, and the Reconstruction of Working Life. New York: Basic Books, 1990.
Kohn, Melvin L. and Carmi Schooler. Work and Personality: An Inquiry into the Impact of Social Stratification. Norwood, NJ: Albex, 1983.
Lowe, Graham S. Women, Paid/Unpaid Work, and Stress. Ottawa: Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women, 1989.
Nightingale, Donald. Workplace Democracy: An Enquiry into Employee Participation in Canadian Work Organizations. Toronto: University of Toronto Press,
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