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The first issue addressed is what motivates workers to unionize. The salient point, on page 232 of the textbook, is that typically workers unionized not to advance revolutionary or larger political aims, but to improve working conditions, have some control over their jobs, and receive their just rewards. But note how the early theories of the labour movement tended to stress the rules and regulations that came to define industrial relations. Sociologists, as the reading goes on to suggest, have added several other perspectives for understanding the basis for unionization. One concerns the importance of informal workplace relations. By viewing work as an on-going power relationship, then the possibility always exists for conflicts of interest, which are played out on a daily basis. It is in this respect that strikes are the tip of the iceberg. Recall from Unit 6, in discussions of the Hawthorne studies and recent research on organizational culture, that a focus on informal relations injected a human side to the formal Weberian view of bureaucracy. It is equally important in this Unit to avoid an overall formal, even bureaucratized, conception of industrial relations as largely a regulatory framework.
Another perspective, perhaps even more central, is the continual tension between this potential for conflict and the need for cooperation if organizations are to function and survive. This basic dilemma means that once the contentious issues in a strike are "resolved" in some fashion, usually management and union try to get beyond the conflict as work resumes. Read the quote from the Woods Task Force on page 233, noticing how it characterizes industrial relations as adversarial. The paradox, of course, is that the threat of conflict is what in theory (and often in practice) leads to its avoidance. But on the next page, another concept -- unions as managers of discontent -- suggests that the resolution of conflict is largely due to the fact that unions have become an integral part of the capitalist system. In short, they have an interest in maintaining economic stability by channeling workers' discontents, focusing their attention on economic issues that managers are prepared to negotiate. This raises the further issue of union leadership accountability to rank-and-file members. As the brief discussion on pages 234 and 234 suggests, can we assume that leaders and members in a union necessarily agree on major goals and strategies? So in sum, while conflict is a basic feature of union-management relations, the organization of the industrial relations "system" often reduces its disruptive potential through negotiation, compromise, and containment.
The remainder of the reading in this Section grapples with a large question: what do unions do? At a theoretical level, it is useful to distinguish between business and social unionism. Business unionism reflects a trade-off between economic rewards, on one hand, and greater control in the workplace, on the other. Employers typically were more willing to bargain on economic issues than to give up their decision-making prerogatives. This latter point should still be fresh in your mind from Unit 6's discussion of the limits of participative management, work teams, QWL, and other work reforms which claim to redistribute authority downward in the hands of workers. But as we will see later in this Unit, Canadian unions have parted ways with more business-union oriented American labour by increasingly championing broader social issues. Another way of looking at the functions of unions is through public opinion, which may be less negative than you might have expected. Finally, one of the more definitive answers to "what do unions do?" is the research by Freeman and Medoff, mentioned on pages 236 and 237 of the textbook. They emphasize the democratizing impact unions have on workplaces, and also show through economic analysis that unions increase productivity.
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In the first part of the reading, on pages 237 to 240, look for the major differences between craft and industrial unions. Each represents a very different style of unionism, and can in turn be contrasted to the far more radical, and short-lived, syndicalism of the Wobblies. There are clear parallels to be found in the struggles of the early craft unions and previous discussions in Units 1 and 6 of the deskilling and routinization of work which often accompanied the introduction of more advanced technology and scientific management. Also note that these early craft unions were US-based, extending their influence across the border into Canada. Later you will see that a recent trend is the "Canadianization" of the labour movement, significantly reducing the historic dominance of the international unions.
While many of the US-based craft unions were inherently conservative, struggling to preserve craft status, skills and traditions, the examples on page 239 of the textbook of the Winnipeg General Strike and the One Big Union prevent over generalizing in this respect. As the pace and scope of industrialization accelerated, the rise of mass-production industries of the second industrial revolution, described in Unit 1, gave rise to a union that recruited skilled and unskilled alike across an entire industry. Another aspect of the evolution of the labour movement worth noting was the creation of a broad-based union central, the Canadian Labour Congress. Reflecting a shift toward social unionism, as distinct from business unionism, the CLC is closely allied with the New Democratic Party and has taken up national political causes. Its role in the coalition opposing free trade with the United States, and now Mexico, is a good example of this style of social unionism (remember the CLC's assessment of the first two years of free trade, in Work in Canada, which you read in Unit 2).
The brief reading selection on Quebec labour found on pages 240 and 241 of the textbook, and the first part of Palmer's article in Work in Canada, should dispel any notions you may have about a uniformly "Canadian" labour movement. As these selections make abundantly clear, Quebec unions march to their own drummer. Ties with the larger Anglo-Canadian labour movement have often been tenuous, at best. In fact, Quebec labour has a distinctive history and in recent decades has displayed considerable militancy in opposing the state's attacks on their rights. Also, nationalist politics has been a prominent theme in the Quebec labour movement. Certainly the readings could go further in exploring these contrasts between Quebec unions and those elsewhere in Canada; this is merely an introduction to a much larger topic. As on so many sociological topics, when speaking about "Canada" we need to be careful to distinguish between trends and events in Quebec and elsewhere.
Without question one of the major influences on Canadian industrial relations, and the growth of unions for that matter, has been the particular ways in which the federal and provincial governments (and courts) have legislated union-management relations. While above you saw that there is more to industrial relations than regulations, it is equally true that labour laws establish the basic "rules of the game" for union - employer relations. Contrast the concept of the state as an impartial umpire, on page 241 of the textbook, with Palmer's analysis of the stridently anti-union actions taken by the Quebec and British Columbia governments against their own employees. Put simply, "what the state gives the state can take away". The argument about permanent exceptionalism, advanced by Panitch and Swartz on page 243 of the textbook, receives solid backing from the events described by Palmer. The erosion of union rights and collective bargaining gains in Palmer's two case-studies is precisely what the permanent exceptionalism thesis sees as ushering in a new and troubled era of industrial relations. This issue will be pursued below in Section 3.
Despite the pessimistic tone of Palmer, and of analysts such as Panitch and Swartz, it has been the case that government legislation has facilitated significant gains in union membership. Look at the chart on page 244 of the textbook and trace the steady climb in union density between 1931 and 1981. What happened to unions in the 1980s? It is essential to consider the massive changes in the economy, labour force, industrial relations legislation, and employer strategies in fashioning an answer to this large question. View the events Palmer documents in Quebec and British Columbia as symptomatic of the increasingly hostile opposing forces to which unions had to respond. But despite what Palmer portrays as significant losses for organized labour in the two provinces he studied, from a broader comparative perspective Canadian unions so far have held their ground in the turbulent economic environment of the 1980s and 1990s, as the next Section will show.
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As you read the section on comparative unionization, note how the America situation is unique because of the sharp membership decline in recent decades. However, this decline in U.S. unionization is a complex problem, involving much more than just the unions' failure to adapt to a much harsher economic and political context, characterized by tough anti-union laws and the determination of many employers to avoid unionization altogether. The discussions on pages 245 and 246 of the textbook, and in Coates' article in Work in Canada, raise fundamental issues about basic societal, historical and class differences between Canada and the U.S.. The reasons for such fuel an on-going debate among sociologists. Furthermore, as Coates suggests, it is essential not to assume that just because Canadian membership trends have remained relatively stable , that therefore all is well in the Canadian labour movement.
To assess the current state of unions in Canada, examine the data presented in the three charts found on pages 247, 248 and 250 of the textbook. Approach these charts with questions such as: Where is union membership strongest and weakest? Are the centres of union strength based in growing or in declining industries and occupations? Now focus on the changing social composition of union membership. Note how the shift from a largely male, blue-collar membership to a white-collar, more highly educated, and increasingly female membership has altered the character of the labour movement. This can be seen by looking at the list of Canada's ten largest unions, on page 251. The dominance of public sector unions today clearly means that in social composition, and in their priorities and strategies, unions have changed significantly from the early days of the craft or industrial unions described in Section 2. A good example of this shifting agenda is Wishart's article, in Unit 5, which set out a union program for addressing the problem of sexual harassment. It is relevant to note that the article was prepared for The Canadian Union of Public Employees, Canada's largest union with a diverse public sector membership, many of whom are women.
Another way unions have been transformed is through "Canadianization". This too is a marked departure from the origins of the Canadian labour movement, in which U.S.-based "international" unions controlled Canadian branches from south of the border. Pay careful attention to the words of The Canadian Auto Worker's director of research, quoted on page 253 of the textbook. His comments reveal the impetus for Canadianization, which in large part is a reflection of the more militant stance of Canadian unions. Some argue that this militancy in part accounts for the greater resiliency of Canadian unions, compared with those in the U.S.. Also note, of course, that the labour movement also became more Canadian in the sense that the growing public sector unions are all nationally-based.
Turning again to Coates' provocative article in Work in Canada, use this reading as an opportunity to contemplate the strengths and weaknesses of Canadian unions. Note the divergent opinions expressed by labour leaders and by academics about the current health of the unions in this country. What might account for these differences of opinion? What do union membership trends, changes in legislation, and employer and government policies towards their employees tell us about unions' future prospects? Coates probes deeply into the main sources of weakness in addressing these questions, providing much food for though -- and concern.
Coates thus ties together some prominent themes from the course so far. Asking why unionization in the private sector is stagnating or declining, she launches into an analysis of three major sets of changes, all of which you have some familiarity with from earlier Units. The first set involves some of the occupational and labour market trends outlined in Unit 3: the rise of service sector employment, the expansion of part-time and other non-standard forms of work, the growth of upper-level managerial and professional jobs, and rising female labour force participation. The second set of factors encompass the participative forms of work organization we reviewed in Units 2 and Unit 6, under the guise of new methods of organizing work. Flexible firms, flexible employment practices, and participative management all pose potential threats to conventional unionism.
The third and related set of factors is what Coates calls the new human resources management (HRM). This is exemplified in the "people" emphasis of the emergent management approaches we documented in Unit 6, as well as in some of the more advanced quality of working life programs. Recall the concerns raised about union involvement in QWL schemes, despite the successful joint union-management design of the Shell chemical plant (a rare situation in Canada and the U.S.). Also recall Palmer's case studies of the assault on public employees. So despite the Auditor General's call for greater emphasis on employees and clients, as you may remember from the article from Unit 6, public sector unions which have experienced confrontations such as those described in the last Section by Palmer may be skeptical or even resistant to the "new HRM". Moreover, Palmer's two case studies suggest that the past record of rapid growth and bargaining strength of the public sector unions may be ending. This certainly is the message from Panitch and Swartz, as you will recall from the previous Section.
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Coates' article (on page 260 of Work in Canada) alludes to the conventional wisdom that women are more difficult than men to unionize. Two previous reading selections, the Dagg and Fudge account of immigrant women homeworkers in the garment industry (Unit 5) and Duffy and Puppo's discussion of the paradoxes of part-time work (Unit 3), portray work situations that make unionization difficult. But would men in part-time jobs at the lower-end of the service sector, or isolated in their homes as piece-rate sub-contractors, find it any easier to engage in collective action? The readings in this Section critically examines the assumptions about why women are less likely that men to belong to unions. For example, on page 254 of the textbook you will find evidence and arguments which refute any notions of women being less interested in unions, or more passive than men. Note women's more rapid rate of union membership growth, compared with men. And, consistent with a labour market segmentation perspective, the influence of established industrial and occupational patterns of unionization largely account for gender differences in union membership.
Another large issue in the literature on women in unions is how the labour movement itself has been complicit in restricting women's access to membership. Several examples of this male control of unions is presented in the textbook, but note in particular Sugiman's analysis of how women in the United Auto Workers union gained greater equality (page 255 of the textbook). Read over the quote from her study, and you will be struck by the role of feminist networks outside the workplace in assisting women to exert greater influence within the UAW (now the Canadian Auto Workers). There is a connection her to Coates' article (pages 263 and 264), where she cites Kumar's arguments about the new vitality Canadian unions have derived from practicing "social unionism", linking with a wide range f community groups to promote social issues. Certainly issues of women's equality have been paramount in this respect.
Turning to Briskin's analysis, in her article in Work in Canada, you can see how much of the shift in focus within Canadian labour is largely due to the internal pressure exerted by women activists. This is injects a new dynamic into union politics, a dynamic that Briskin argues is beginning to change how unions operate internally. Over the last decade or more, women's caucuses and designated affirmative action positions on executives helped launch more fundamental changes in what Briskin calls "the life of the unions" (page 284). She discusses the limitations of these early gender equity policies, arguing that real change required a replacement of the male-oriented, business unionism of the past with a more grassroots, participatory and inclusive internal politics. Think about the implications of Briskin's analysis in light of Coates' prognosis for Canadian unions. Will the feminist unionism Briskin describes make unions more welcoming to the millions of non-union women working in the service sector?
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To revisit our previous discussion of the new human resources management (mentioned by Coates) and work humanization techniques outlined in Unit 6, it is here that the most effective weapons against unions are found. The umbrella term used for this battery of humanistic tactics to ward off the threat of unionization is positive labour relations. As pages 257 and 258 of the textbook mention, the large corporations practicing this form of employee relations indeed treat their employees comparatively well. To use the language of labour market segmentation theory, from Unit 4, these are core sector firms, and their workers are in the primary labour market with access to sheltered internal labour markets (although corporate "downsizing" has eroded these and significantly reduced job security). Some large employers, such as Imperial Oil or Dofasco Steel, have developed their own "company" unions (that is, not independent of management's' control), with limited consultation and negotiation.
With the economic difficulties of the 1980s and the early 1990s forcing major changes in many organizations, it is not surprising that some employers would try to reduce wages and benefits. This style of concession bargaining did not become as common in Canada as in the U.S., however, and perhaps one of the main reasons for this is that Canadian unions stood up to these employer tactics. Certainly Palmer's account of the protests by Quebec and British Columbia public sector workers is testimony to this opposition to concessions and restricted collective bargaining rights. A penetrating analysis of how one union orchestrated a campaign to oppose plant shutdowns and concessions is found in Yates' article in Work in Canada. The article highlights several of the important issues raised earlier in this Unit, notably the relationship between union leadership and rank and file, the Canadianization process in the Canadian labour movement, the basis for collective action, and : the often adversarial nature of union-management relations.
As you go through the article, pay special attention to how the Canadian UAW's anti-concession stance not only marked the beginning of its drive for independence from the more acquiescent U.S. parent union, but also forged a more militant union in the end. The concept of union militancy, and the related idea of membership solidarity, will be taken up in the next Unit. Yates points out that the Canadian autoworkers had a history of actively resisting management policies which threatened jobs or meant concessions. The key question to keep in mind is what organizational and leadership factors underlay wide membership support for this kind of militant opposition. Finally, a sub-theme in Yates' article is economic restructuring and globalization. The North American auto industry was being threatened by foreign competition, and in turn was looking for ways of adapting, including moving production to low-wage areas. So for unions to pursue an anti-concession stance, these background factors must have been carefully weighed.
The final and by now very familiar issue to be considered in the reading is union-management cooperation. This is an idea that means very different things to the various participants in the industrial relations system (management, government, unions, experts). Compare the two quotes, one from an academic and the other from a union leader, on pages 259 and 260 of the textbook. Also think back to previous calls for greater cooperation. The articles by Carr and d'Aquina in Unit 2, from Work in Canada raised the same issue. The crucial question is: cooperation on whose terms? But as the reading mentions on page 260, the example of the Shell Chemical plant, described in Unit 6 in the article by Davis and Sullivan, serves as a home-grown model of how both union and management can benefit by cooperating as more equal partners.
Anderson, John C., Morley Gunderson and Allen Ponak (eds.). Union-Management Relations Canada. 2nd ed. Don Mills: Addison-Wesley, 1979.
Craven, Paul. 'An Impartial Umpire': Industrial Relations and the Canadian State, 1900-1911. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980.
Crouch, Colin. Trade Unions: The Logic of Collective Action. Glasgow: Fontana, 1982.
Freeman, Richard B. and J. L. Medoff. What Do Unions Do? New York: Basic Books, 1984.
Heron, Craig. The Canadian Labour Movement: A Short History. Toronto: James Lorimer, 1989.
Kochan, Thomas A., Harry C. Katz and Robert B. McKersie. The Transformation of American Industrial Relations. New York: Basic Books, 1986.
Lipsig-MummÉ, Carla. "Quebec labour: fragmentation and realignment." Studies in Political Economy 36 (Autumn 1991): 73-107.
Panitch, Leo and Donald Swartz. The Assault on Trade Union Freedoms: From Consent to Coercion Revisited. 2nd ed. Toronto: Garamond Press, 1988.
Reshef, Yonatan. "Union decline: a view from Canada." Journal of Labor Research 9 (1990): 25-39.
Russell, Bob. Back to Work? Labour, State, and Industrial Relations in Canada. Scarborough: Nelson, 1990.
White, Jerry P. Hospital Strike: Women, Unions, and Public Sector Conflict. Toronto: Thompson Educational Publishing, 1990.
White, Julie, Women and Unions 1993 [her new book: full reference required].
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