Literary socialization
is part of a broader socialization process in which members of a culture become
competent actors in infinite variety of interaction in the given culture.
Competency means not only knowledge and skills in coping with problems raised by
nature or with social tasks. It also means learning how to control internal
forces of personality or building harmonic and stable identity. Literature from
nursery rhymes through fairy tales and youth novels to masterpieces of drama or
epics serves to enhance human capacities in both senses. Some authors emphasize
the learning or cognitive aspects. For instance, Burke (1945) suggests that
literature provides readers with behavioural
strategies, so called stratagems. Others focus on the internal world or personality
development of readers. In this vein, Bettelheim
(1975) showed how tales involving aggression and terror help to regulate
children’s wild and threatening fantasies. Ricoeur
assigns pre-eminent role to narrative, including fictional literary narrative
in both constructing human world and human identity. He writes:
“ … from where the hidden paths of jealousy, the tricks of hatred, and
the different kinds of desire are created if not from persons created by
artistic pieces? And it is not all too important whether these are written in
first or third person singular. A significant share of the treasures of our
mind is to be owed to the psychological work performed by narrators and
creators of fictitious characters.”[1]
There is, however, a somewhat neglected aspect
of the socialization function of literature, especially building identity,
which is implicit also in literary socialization. Although group membership has
been acknowledged in social psychology as major contributor to individual
identity (see the reference group theory, e.g. Shibutani
1961 or the social identity theory, e.g. Tajfel 1981)
until recently, there has relatively been little attention given to the
significance of sharing a group’s history. Current social psychological
research as well as anthropological evidences point to the role group history
plays in shaping group identity, and thereby identity formation of group
members. Narratives from oral genealogy or myths of origin to historical texts
are primary carriers of the past of a group offering this past for
identification to forthcoming subsequent generations (Assmann
1992; Sperber 1996). In the row of narrative
transmitters of the historical past, fictional and symbolic literature,
particularly historical novels, probably plays a significant role.
Despite
the controversies surrounding the concept of nation (what are the criteria of
this entity, when has it historically evolved, does it still have relevance in
the contemporary societies, etc.), language, culture, and shared past are
unequivocally considered among the factors rendering national unity to a group
of people. Nationalism, originating from the French revolution and the German
romanticism, particularly from the idealist philosophy (Herder and Hegel), not
only facilitated social progress and fuelled the establishment of several
independent states in Europe, it also caused enormous suffering to mankind in
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Nevertheless, attachment to a language,
a culture, and a past seems to be a basic motivational force both in
personality dynamics and social life of people not only in the Western world,
but universally. People keep continue to live in national states and in
national cultures, and it is an open question how globalisation, supranational
organizations, and multiculturalism will change this tradition, not to speak
about the psychological issues of identity development, which may go along with
these changes. In a recent book, Reicher and Hopkins
(2001) review the issue of nation and selfhood from the point of view of
psychology. They arrive at a conclusion that although the idea of an inbred
national character originating from Le Bon, which is expressed in the famous
phrase
“The
civilization of a people is the external clothing of its soul, the visible of
those invisible forces that direct it.”[2]),
has been overcome, the psychological content of
the cultural theory replacing it is fairly underdeveloped. Authors of the
chapter on the national character in the first edition of the Handbook of
Social Psychology (Inkeles and Levinson, 1954)
extensively refer to the anthropological writings of Ruth Benedict’s “culture
and personality school”(Benedict 1946), but hardly find psychological
literature enlightening how sociocultural forces
shape peoples personality, who live and get socialized in the context of a
nation. This insufficiency has not been remedied in the subsequent editions of
the Handbook, only current efforts in social
identity theory (e.g. Billig 1986) and in narrative
identity theories (Bruner and Feldmann 1996, Assmann 1992) try to address the intricate problems of
national identity and of its construction.
According
to narrative identity theories, both social identity (the sense of being
identical with a group and its values) and personal identity (the sense of
continuity and personal stability) are constructed in and by the narrative
function of the mind (Bruner 1990, László 2003, Mc
Adams 2001). Ricoeur (1992) emphasizes the self-understanding
nature of narrative. Identifying ourselves, being identical with ourselves
always assumes identification with others, which is manifest in narratives. The
role of narrative mediation is to develop variations of our own personality
through identification that is the third-person construction of the self.
In
practice, reading fictional narratives is a process of socialization.
Paradoxically enough, although reading mostly proceeds in solitude, it is a
process of experiencing the bonds that connect individuals to culture and
society. So, if we raise the question, what is, if not the genes that have the
capacity to maintain and transmit the “soul” or national character of a people,
we will arrive at cultural narratives, which carry the psychological patterns
of personality or psychological constructions characteristic to the
culture.
Historical
literature represents a special filed of socialization in the above sense. Most
of historical novels attract their readers not by aesthetic sophistication and
excellence, but by providing a playground for experiencing the history.
Historical novels offer glorious past and heroic deeds for identification,
thereby enhancing group identity. The plot, the heroic fight, recalling the
victorious past in all probability has an influence on the long lasting
popularity of these novels. It is hardly incidental that historical novels
occupy primary places on the reading lists in schools. As a step in literary
socialization, they introduce pupils into the art of reading. In the same time,
however, as part of the broader socialization process, they transmit the
cultural patterns of national identity.
Against
this background, a group of Hungarian psychologists set out to study the most
popular Hungarian historical novels with the aim of uncovering what they offer
for identification and the mechanisms how they do it. Popularity or success was
measured by frequency of publications, by frequency of their application to
different media, e.g., cinema, television, or radio, and by frequency of book
loans in a yearly repeated nationwide survey in Hungarian public libraries. The
aim of the first study was to uncover social psychological patterns of
narrative composition in the two most successful Hungarian historical novels,
which enable or facilitate readers’ identification with Hungarian national
history and its representatives. In this way, the study intended to provide
support for the hypothesis on the relation between literary success and
capacity for identity construction. The study also intended to reconstruct some
features of Hungarian national identity as it is represented in the most
successful historical novels.
Results
of the two most successful historical novels (The Stars of Eger by Géza Gárdonyi and Sons of the cold-hearted man by Mór Jókai, both written in the
second half of the nineteenth century) suggested that the novel presents
glorious past and human values, which may be substantial from the point of view
of national identity. They also showed, however
that historical glory in itself is not enough for success. The popularity of
the novel is related to a social psychological composition of how these
attractive values are arranged in the story. The positive properties (strength,
knowledge, wisdom, moral) are divided unevenly among
the characters, each character representing an ideal form of a single
attribute. The novel, taking advantage of its capacity for identification,
offers patterns of idealized and schematized group-properties coded in actions
of uni-dimensional characters, which make the process
of identification easier. On the other hand, this composition makes it more
emphatic that the one-sided characters form a group together. It transmits and
reinforces a national identity, which is composed from all the positive
attributes represented in the novel.
The
social psychological composition of the Sons of the cold-hearted man is
based on an ideal opposition of the in-group and out-group, although the
plausibility of the plot is accentuated by the fact that actions of the
Hungarian characters occasionally also end with negative outcomes. The
non-Hungarian characters’ deeds are entirely negative throughout the novel.
This corresponds to peoples’ general attitude towards their in- and out-groups.
The popularity of the novel, however, cannot be attributed only to this ideal
opposition. To construct an easily accessible positive national identity, the
writer performs the task of making a moral victory out of defeat. (See László, Vincze, Somogyváry 2003)
The
third ranking novel in the success list is the Golden age of
As
for many countries in
This
brief historical overview may explain why is it that
The
novel was written at the end of the nineteenth century, and its popularity much
preceded the secession of
During
most of the seventeenth century
People are
faced with numberless problems in their physical and social environment during
their life course. Several of these issues may be threatening, and individuals
need to develop coping strategies so as to survive. In the psychoanalytic
theory, coping with the environmental, as well as internal threats is the task
of the ego. Haan (1977) distinguishes between coping
and defense. Coping is normal ego-function, it is
bond to reality, and enables expressing adequate emotions. As opposed to
coping, defence (e.g., repression, splitting, projection, etc.), by its
compulsion and rigidity, distorts reality, and gives an impression that one can
discharge anxiety without dealing with the problems.
Psychological
studies of coping focus on two aspects of the phenomena. The trait models (e.g.
Krohne and Rogner 1982)
suggest that people develop characteristic strategies for dealing with a wide
range of conflicts and they apply these coping strategies consistently. The
efficacy of coping depends on the quality and types of the available coping
strategies. The transactional models (e.g. Lazarus 1966; 1991) suggest that
coping behavior is a result of person-environment
dynamic interaction. The pivotal point of the process is the cognitive
appraisal. According to Lazarus (1991), the primary appraisal orients about
personal involvement and the magnitude and nature of the problem: whether it is
a challenge, a threat, a possible gain or loss. The secondary appraisal process
is selecting the accessible coping strategies.
Special
attention is given to coping that people employ to protect their threatened
identity (see Breakwell 1986). The intra-psychic
strategies range from deflection, which entails the refusal of modification of
the identity content or identity values to acceptance, which results in
modification of the identity according to the threat. There are various
opportunities to cope with the threat by re-evaluation of the content of the
identity. These strategies serve to make the identity changes required by the
threatening situation more palatable and less disruptive. The coping potential
of the individuals at the intra-psychic level is highly dependent upon their
social networks and group memberships. The social support that individuals may
get from their partners and groups may encourage them to re-evaluate and
re-define their identities and they may alleviate the negative consequences of
such changes.
Social
support is also important when individuals employ interpersonal coping
strategies. When social environment intends to deprive a capacity from the
individual, and this deprivation threatens her identity’s value, continuity or
distinctiveness, or, conversely, intends to assign her unfavourable attributes,
equally threatening to her identity, the individual may turn to interpersonal
coping strategies. Whereas intra-psychic coping strategies are based upon
cognition, emotion and values, interpersonal coping strategies focus upon
action which involves negotiation with others and their manipulation. People
may isolate themselves from partners who represent the identity threat
by avoiding social contacts with them. They may become negativistic by
going outright conflict with the partners who challenge their identity
structure. Another option is to compromise,
i.e., to fulfil the stereotypical requirements of the expected identity and
thereby gaining social approval. If other strategies fail or previous
experience suggests its advantages, people may comply.
Of
course, each interpersonal coping strategy has its advantages and
disadvantages, and there are no universal criteria for judging on the
appropriateness or fit of a particular coping strategy, however some aspects of
the results can unequivocally evaluated as positive. Among these aspects are
stress-reduction, maintenance of positive self-evaluation or preserving own and
other people’s well-being.
To
use adequate coping strategies depends on several factors, such as the nature
of the coping task, the assessment of the realistic opportunities, the coping
capacities of the individual, etc. However, individuals tend to develop coping
styles that are characteristic to them. These coping styles extend to what they
conceive as problematic or threatening and to what coping strategy they tend to
employ to cope with each threat. Similarly, we may assume that groups living in
a particular culture offer a set of coping strategies for dealing with a set of
various identity threats and socialize their members to use these strategies
whenever the threat occurs.
Based
on the above assumption, we looked at the Golden age of
The
obvious and immediate threat to each Transylvanian-Hungarian character’s
identity in the novel is the Turkish expansion. Turks had all the military
power to retaliate any attempt to transgressing the
status quo of the limited independence and strengthen their control over
The
novel, which consists of 70708
words and 19 chapters, was reduced by eliminating all
those parts where a) none of the main characters was present and b) the main
characters had interactions with other characters who
did not belong to either of the above groups of the characters or to the Turks.
In other words, only those segments of the novel were further analysed that
dealt with the relations of the main protagonists of the Transylvanian groups
to each other and to the Turks. Interactions that were immediately relevant to
the relation to the Turks on one hand, and to the Hungarian alliance on the
other were analysed separately. The text was broken to episodes where
representatives of each group met and interacted. Interpersonal coping of the
Transylvanian characters in relation to each other and to the Turks was coded
in each episode. Episode boundaries were drawn whenever a new character of
either of the respective groups entered the scene. Categories of coping were
applied according to Breakwell (1986). The following
categories were used:
Resistance: the character opposes
the goal of other people
Compliance: the character conforms to other people’s goal
Negotiated compliance (compliance after resistance): after opposition, the
character accepts other people’s goal
Confrontation with acting out: the character takes immediate
action to prevent other people’s goal-attainment or exhibits hostility toward
her opponents.
Confrontation with rational acting: the character refers to social
norms in acting against other people’s goals.
Cooperation: the character cooperates with other people so as to pursue her goals
Instrumentalisation: the character uses (manipulates)
other people as means of her own goal-attainment.
Evasion: the character evades dealing with the threats
In each
case when a particular coping was identified, its efficiency or outcome was
also assessed. Long term success of the coping strategies of the protagonists
was evaluated on the background of the historical knowledge from two respects:
from maintaining and strengthening group identity (and thereby one’s own
personal identity) and from maintaining and strengthening the existence
of the group. Accordingly, for Pragmatists and Pro-Transylvanians the
following outcome matrix was applied:
Positive
identity outcome: strengthening Transylvanian group identity
Negative
identity outcome: weakening Transylvanian group identity
Positive
existential outcome: maintaining the existence of the group
Negative
existential outcome: thwarting the existence of the group
Since
Pro-Hungarians clearly adopted a broader Hungarian group identity
concept, the identity outcome of their copings was evaluated from this broader
perspective, whereas the existential outcome was also evaluated from the
perspective of the Transylvanian group.
Coding
was performed for both the coping categories and for the efficiency of coping
by two independent coders with a .76 agreement.
The
tables below show the characters’ interpersonal copings employed in relation to
the Hungarian alliance and to the Turks. Figures in parenthesis indicate the
frequency of each type of coping.
Table 1
Pragmatists’ relation to the Hungarian alliance
|
III.
Character |
IV.
Coping |
V.
Identity outcome |
VI.
Existential outcome |
|
Apafi, Mihály |
Negotiated compliance(2) |
negative, negative |
positive |
|
Apafi, Mihály |
Resistance (2) |
positive |
positive |
|
Apafi, Mihály |
Evasion |
positive/negative |
positive |
|
Béldi, Pál |
Negotiated compliance |
negative |
positive |
|
Apafi, Mihály |
Confrontation with
acting out |
positive |
positive |
|
Béldi, Pál |
Resistance(2) |
positive, positive |
positive |
Pragmatists
show a flexible set of coping strategies in the case of the Hungarian alliance.
By complying for some pressures of the Pro-Hungarians they tend to weaken Transylvanian
identity, nevertheless the existential outcome of their coping is positive,
because they manage to preserve not only their life and power but also the
relative independence of
Pro-Transylvanians relation to the Hungarian alliance
|
Character |
Coping |
Identity outcome |
Existential outcome |
|
Bánfi, Dénes |
Confrontation with
acting out (5) |
positive(5) |
negative |
Count Bánfi in every situation openly confronts any attempt of
the Pro-Hungarians. At the end of the novel he preserves his Transylvanian
identity, but he looses his life.
Pro-Hungarians relation to the Hungarian alliance
|
Character |
Coping * |
Identity outcome |
Existential outcome |
|
Teleki, Mihály |
Instrumentalisation (Apafi) (4) |
positive (4) |
negative(4) |
|
Teleki, Mihály |
Confrontation with rational acting (Bánfi)
(2) |
positive (2) |
negative (2) |
|
Teleki, Mihály |
Instrumentalisation (Bánfi) (3) |
positive (3) |
negative (3) |
|
Lady Apafi |
Confrontation with rational acting (Apafi) |
positive |
negative |
|
Lady Apafi |
Confrontation
with acting out (Apafi) |
negative |
positive |
|
Lady Apafi |
Confrontation
with acting out (Teleki) |
negative |
positive |
Chancellor Teleki pursues his goals primarily by manipulating his
fellow noblemen including the reigning prince. He generates a division even in
his own group, since Lady Apafi who originally was an
enthusiastic supporter of his plans (she even confronted with his husband for
the Hungarian case) turns against him. Most of the copings of this group tend
to strengthen the broader Hungarian identity, however, apart from short term
successes, they fail to achieve their political goals.
Table 4
Pragmatist
relation to Turks
|
Character |
Coping |
Identity outcome |
Existential outcome |
|
Apafi, Mihály |
Negotiated compliance |
negative |
positive |
|
Apafi, Mihály |
Compliance |
negative |
positive |
|
Apafi, Mihály |
Negotiated compliance |
negative |
positive |
|
Apafi, Mihály |
Cooperation |
negative |
positive |
|
Apafi, Mihály |
Resistance |
positive |
negative |
|
Apafi, Mihály |
Compliance |
negative |
positive |
|
Apafi, Mihály |
Instrumentalisation |
positive |
negative |
|
Béldi, Pál |
Cooperation |
negative |
positive |
Apafi and
the other pragmatists use a wide selection of copings also in relation to the
Turks. These copings have diverse consequences for their group identity, but
almost unanimously serve positive existential outcomes.
|
Character |
Coping |
Identity outcome |
Existential outcome |
|
Bánfi, Dénes |
Confrontation with acting out (6) |
positive (6) |
negative (6) |
|
Bánfi, Dénes |
resistance |
Positive |
negative |
The leader of
the Pro-Transylvanian group, Count Bánfi adopts a confrontative coping strategy not only toward the
Pro-Hungarians, but also toward the Turks. Whereas his coping serves preserving
group identity (distinctiveness and independence), the existential outcome for
his personal life is fatal.
Table 6
Pro-Hungarians relation to Turks
|
Character |
Coping |
Identity outcome |
Existential outcome |
|
Lady Apafi |
Instrumentalisation |
Positive |
negative |
|
Teleki, Mihály |
Resistance |
Positive |
negative |
Pro-Hungarians
defend their identity from the Turkish threat with active resistance, however
they do not confront directly. Nevertheless, the existential
outcome of their coping because they fail to generate unity against both the
Turks and the Habsburgs and to re-establish a united
In
a recent chapter, Fleisher Feldman (2001: 143) argues that narratives of
national identity can be approached by seeing them as a special case of the
group-defining story. She goes on arguing that the patterns of group-defining
narratives become part of the cognitive equipment of the members. The way they
function in cognition is as interpretive frameworks that tell what meaning can
be attached to events. She claims that these narratives facilitate interpretation,
or allow particular events to be given meaning, by supplying a particular
shared context within or with which they take on a determinate meaning. Popular
historical novels belong to the genres of national identity narratives. In the
present study we suggested that these narratives offer psychological patterns
for identification that are for some reason important for national identity.
Popularity is, in this sense, is an empirical evidence for centrality or
importance of a given psychological constellation. Of course, the social
environment, the historical task of the characters is also important.
Psychological patterns reveal themselves in relation to the historical task.
The popularity of the Golden age of
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Authors’ addresses:
Prof. Dr. János László and Orsolya
Vincze
Email: